Australia is at a crossroads as the deadline for the ambitious objectives outlined in the 2012 “Asian Century” white paper has arrived. Launched by then-Prime Minister Julia Gillard, the white paper set forth 25 national goals aimed at transforming the country by 2025. Among these objectives were aspirations for world-class schools, fluency in Asian languages, and a thriving economy characterized by top-tier innovation. As the deadline passes without significant achievements, many are questioning the feasibility of these targets.
In a speech scheduled for Thursday, Labor MP Tim Watts will address a roundtable of foreign policy experts, highlighting what he describes as a “comprehensive failure” of the objectives laid out in the white paper. He argues that subsequent efforts, including initiatives by the Albanese government, have fallen short in enhancing Australia’s understanding of Asia. Watts suggests that the lack of bipartisan support for the original white paper has hindered its long-term impact.
“Many would be tempted to just dismiss this as more of the same,” Watts is expected to say. “The difference is that today, after decades of decline across multiple governments, we are now approaching a crisis point.”
Educational Goals and Language Decline
One of the primary aims of the white paper was for Australian schools to rank among the world’s top five by 2025. However, the results from the 2022 PISA test tell a different story, placing Australia 16th in mathematics, 10th in science, and 12th in reading. This disappointing performance follows a two-decade decline in educational outcomes, with only recent stabilization.
The white paper also aimed for Australia to secure a top-10 position in global innovation. According to the Global Innovation Index, the country currently ranks 21st out of 54 high-income economies. Goals that once seemed achievable now appear distant, such as creating a national framework for major infrastructure projects and establishing a fair tax system.
The objectives related to language education, particularly concerning Australia’s relationship with Asia, have drawn specific criticism from Watts. He emphasized that the goal for all Australian students to have the opportunity to study an Asian language continuously throughout their schooling has not been realized. Priority languages, including Mandarin, Hindi, Indonesian, and Japanese, have seen a significant decline in student enrollment.
Since the release of the white paper, the number of Australian high school students studying a priority Asian language has dropped by nearly 30 percent. Between 2004 and 2022, Watts notes, there was a staggering 75 percent decline in enrollments in Southeast Asian languages at Australian universities. He points out that fewer than 3.3 percent of year 12 students studied a priority Asian language in 2023, a decrease from 4.7 percent when the report was released.
“Despite all Australian students being encouraged to do so, there is a lack of coordination in language education,” Watts states. “Primary school students are studying languages they can’t continue in high school, while university students are learning languages that lack professional utility.”
A Broader Need for Change
The situation is particularly alarming for languages like Bahasa Indonesia, where enrollment has plummeted from 1,182 students in 1989 to just 542 today, despite a 40 percent increase in the number of Australians in high school. The decline is stark: there are fewer Australians studying Bahasa Indonesia today than in 1965, when John Gorton served as Minister and Robert Menzies was Prime Minister.
As Australia faces this concerning trend, the next generation of world-class Asian studies academics is nearing retirement, leaving a thin pipeline of potential replacements. Watts emphasizes the importance of enhancing Australia’s capabilities in Asia, especially given the current geopolitical landscape.
“This approaching crisis occurs at a time when the case for building Australia’s Asia capability has never been stronger,” he explains. “Our security and prosperity now depend on how effectively we can navigate our relationships in Asia.”
Australia’s inability to meet the ambitious goals of the white paper is not entirely surprising. Significant changes in national policy would have necessitated bipartisan support and continuity across governments. The Abbott government notably removed all references to the white paper from official websites upon taking office, leading to the replacement of broad strategies with narrower initiatives.
The original white paper was released during a time of optimism regarding the economic potential of Asia, transitioning from the “tyranny of distance” to the “prospects of proximity.” Today, policymakers are more acutely aware of the strategic and economic risks associated with relations with countries like China.
Watts argues for an urgent national dialogue aimed at enhancing Australia’s understanding of Asia to meet the current challenges. He underscores that such conversations should crystallize into actionable strategies rather than mere aspirations.
As the deadline of the “Asian Century” approaches, Australia finds itself reflecting not only on missed objectives but also on the crucial need for a renewed commitment to engage with its Asian neighbors effectively. Without significant changes, the vision set forth in 2012 may remain nothing more than a time capsule of lost ambition.
